Critiquing the misuses of history in politics and media and general thoughts on the intersections of history, politics, and pop culture
Sunday, May 23, 2010
Is Rand Paul an NAACP Member?
Here's the issue: to oppose federal actions/regulations to combat racism and claim that one opposes racism, it's important to show that you can show that people will take private initiatives to combat this societal cancer. While Barry Goldwater's record is by no means perfect on that, his background indicated that the idea of private action was not just a theoretical counterargument. Goldwater was a member of the Phoenix chapter of the NAACP, and not just a passive dues payer; he actively worked for desegregation, overseeing the process in his family's department stores, as well as while serving as chief of staff of the Arizona Air National Guard.
Were such efforts enough? Of course not, but it at least suggested that the libertarian critique against civil rights legislation emerged from real ideological differences, rather than as a cover for ultimately racist views. I would say that modern "Goldwater" Republicans would do well to heed that lesson if they want to be taken seriously, but we're sadly long passed the point where people care about being taken "seriously." Well, except in the DC "serious way" which means moderately liberal social values, along with a pro-bombing and entitlement cutting agenda elsewhere. Yargh.
Wednesday, May 19, 2010
Glenn Beck Has a Point About the Left

Glenn Beck Has a Point (Part I in a series)
Yeah, you read that right. While Glenn Beck’s version of the past, present, and future has been well analyzed (and challenged) elsewhere, I would like to address one strain of his critique from a slightly different angle. For anyone who’s watched Beck’s show (or seen Jon Stewart’s parodies of it) the sight of Beck scrambling around various blackboards, drawing out the nefarious connections between far-left radicals and the Obama administration are as familiar as the morning commute. Often such connections are, at best, overblown and mostly exist as fantasies easily discounted or disproven. However, Beck’s insistence that radicalism has seeped into the policies and politics of past U.S. presidents actually bears some weight (though not as much for the Obama administration, which, in my opinion, could benefit from some more heterodox, left-of-center voices having the president’s ear). Democratic and progressive presidential administrations have been influenced by more radical actors in this country, and that has often been for the good of the U.S. While there’s a long history of radical movements making demands on the government, I would like to focus on one aspect of this relationship: the role of individuals who had (or continued to) travel in more radical circles who ended up becoming key influences on or members of past presidential administrations. This has been a specific fascination for Beck, visible most infamously in his campaign against presidential adviser Van Jones.
Radicals in the White House
In the next few posts I will explore a few “radical” figures who have become members of past administrations and used those perches to fight for social change. First, it is worth saying a few words about such individuals more generally. What do I mean by saying there have been “radical figures” in the White House? Primarily these have been individuals who have been appointed to various commissions, agencies, or cabinet posts whose political beliefs and experiences were forged (at least in part) through encounters with left-wing ideas and groups (the Socialist Party for example). Contra Beck, most of these individuals, by the time they reach an administration job, have moved towards more “moderate” positions (though not always) and such figures invariably hold very pragmatic views about making social change (otherwise they would not have the desire or ability to work for a U.S. president). Even with these caveats, their goals have often been thwarted and their influence should not be overstated. Despite the many obstacles in their way however, some of the key legislative and political progress on labor rights, social insurance, and civil rights in the U.S. are partially because of such figures.
So stay tuned; first up we'll add more kindling to Beck's Woodrow Wilson hate fire through a look at attorney and labor champion Frank Walsh.
Thursday, May 6, 2010
Movies & Memory: The Hurt Locker, Green Zone and the Politics of Iraq

How movies depict our past can often have great influence on the politics of today (just look at how Birth of a Nation reinforced the racist vision of the Reconstruction era). In thinking about such issues I would like to look at two recent films, The Hurt Locker and Paul Greengrass’ Green Zone, as attempts to remember and understand the Second Gulf War. In doing this, I am thinking less of how audiences right now, and more how their portrayals of the conflict may affect our society’s memories and interpretations of the war decades from now.
The Hurt Locker follows a three man demolition team dealing with Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs) in and around Baghdad in 2004, using that set-up to explore some of the psychological impacts of military service. The film centers on several incidents in these men’s lives and offers a vision of how participation in war, to quote Chris Hedges, can become a “drug." The film however largely avoids the politics of the war. While we get some insights into the challenges faced by U.S. soldiers and Iraqis, the strain on soldiers’ psyches, and a general sense of the larger tragedy of armed conflict, none of this is particularly specific to the Iraq War. The Hurt Locker is perhaps best placed in a long tradition of "apolitical soldiers deal with the day-to-day of war" films that attempt to capture the flavor of a soldier's life on the ground. Yet, despite the film’s skill in portraying these themes, by not emphasizing the specific controversies associated with the Iraq War, the film also does a disservice to our long-term historical memory. To examine the Iraq War and ignore the immense political controversies at its center is akin to talking about the U.S. Civil War while ignoring slavery. Considering how memories and understandings of that war will certainly influence the thought and decisions of the public and policymakers for decades to come, we need films out there that deal with those issues directly.
Green Zone
Green Zone does not stop with the WMD controversy. It also recalls the arrogance of the invasion's chief architects and supporters, and the disasters they wrought. The film does this by presenting a series of characters and events, which, while slightly fictionalized or chronologically condensed, still convey important realities. The film touches on everything from the devastation caused by looting to the dire mistake of disbanding Iraq's army without any plan of what to do with all those still armed and newly unemployed men. It also well captures the extraordinary “holier-than-thou” attitudes of many of the war hawks. This is done through characters paraphrasing some of the war’s most famous one-liners ("democracy is messy"), as well as through visual short-hand, ranging from a scene in an Abu Ghraib like prison to the "Re-Elect Bush-Cheney" posters taped on walls in various CPA buildings. One of my favorites is when the movies villain, Clark Poundstone (Green Zone's stand-in for Bremer and leading neo-conservatives), dismisses the expertise and warnings of a long-time CIA analyst as “pre-conceived ideas” and “dinosaur” thinking. One can find example after example in the lead-up to war in which its cheerleaders found ways of making actual knowledge of Iraq's history and society suspect, while ignorance became "fresh thinking." Importantly, while many of these scenes and references may seem didactic to those of us with clear memories of the actual events, I think the film’s weaving of all these elements serves its main purpose by recording in an easy-to-digest form all these elements for future generations to soak in.
The Iraqis